Tag Archives: Seth Bongartz

There Are Monsters Under Lyman Orton’s Bed

I don’t usually bother writing about op-ed pieces or letters to the editor because (a) who reads them, anyway? and (b) that way lies madness. The temptation is ever present (take, for example, “Farmer” John Klar’s recent lament about grade inflation at Harvard, a topic of conservative whingeing since at least the 1970s), but I do try to avoid it.

And yet I’m making an exception for Lyman Orton’s recent letter to VTDigger because it just takes the cake. The noted art collector and second-generation owner of the Vermont Country Store appears to believe that Burr and Burton Academy is besieged by powerful enemies bent on its destruction.

Whaaaaaaaaaaat???!?

C’mon, Burr & Burton is one of the most coddled, protected, politically insulated institutions in the state of Vermont. I mean, we just went through an Act 73 process in which Democratic and Republican leaders stacked the deck in favor of B&B and the other private schools that receive taxpayer tuition dollars. The two most influential lawmakers in the entire process were Senate Education Committee chair Seth Bongartz, who spent nearly two decades on the B&B board, and Senate Minority Leader Scott Beck, a longtime faculty member at St. Johnsbury Academy. One of the highest priorities of the process was protecting the interests of the four big private schools that take public tuition dollars.

It’s not just the flagrant wrongness of Orton’s premise. It’s the quantity of inflammatory prose he packs into a few short paragraphs.

“The drumbeat against” Burr & Burton “is becoming more strident and punitive.” Actually, I’d say “the drumbeat” has been pretty consistent. If it’s getting louder, that’s because our entire public education reform process seems to prioritize B&B and its fellows over all else.

Orton complains that critics browbeat the storied academy “with fallacious charges” and demand “that the school become a public institution.” Nope, I’ve never heard that one. I have heard people say B&B shouldn’t be allowed to take public education dollars without being subject to the same rules as public schools.

Orton again: “There are yowls from the establishment that Burr & Burton costs more.” Again, nope. The “yowls” of reasoned criticism center on the taxpayer subsidy of the private academies. I don’t think anybody cares about the total tuition bill.

Orton then brags that “no taxes are levied for capital improvements” at B&B because its admirers “consistently contribute enough to cover them.” Well, yeah, private schools exist because they serve affluent families and wealthy benefactors able to pony up for expensive infrastructure schemes.

Orton closes by declaring B&B a “success… beloved by parents, students and residents.” And then he gives away the game in his conclusion: “It’s telling that those who can’t compete have set out to diminish Vermont’s premier secondary schools.”

And there it is: Competition.

See, the thing is, public education shouldn’t be a contest with winners and losers. A strong public school system is a public good of tremendous value to its communities, socially and economically. Every taxpayer has an interest in good public schools. Every taxpayer does not benefit from private schools.

Orton is sounding the alarm against an imaginary enemy. The bulk of “the establishment” is firmly in the private academies’ back pockets, sad to say. Our political “establishment,” both Democratic and Republican, supports the academies and enables their special status. The four major academies spend big on Statehouse lobbying, and it pays off in spades. Their critics have been marginalized throughout the decades-long school reform debate.

Sure, public educators advocate for the institutions they’ve devoted their lives to. Sure, there are liberal politicians who’d like to see a fairer playing field in public education. Sure, there’s an active campaign called “Same Dollars, Same Rules,” which asserts that if the private academies accept public dollars, they should abide by the same standards as public schools. But so far, none of those people have made significant headway against the influence of the extremely well-connected private academies.

And while those people disagree with Orton, he vastly overstates the nature of their criticisms and their truly modest goals. I have never heard, for example, a single person of any stature call for the academies to be forcibly turned into public schools.

Like many a wealthy American, Lyman Orton sees Communism — or at minimum, socialism — when reasonable people call for reasonable reforms. There are a few dust balls under his bed, and he thinks they are monsters out to kill him.

‘Tis the Season for Strained Racing Analogies

Looks like a real contest is developing in the Chittenden Central state Senate district, where three seats will be up for grabs in 2026. The three sitting solons, who seem likely to run for re-election, may find as many as four other names on the Democratic primary ballot next August.

In other words, Donkey Race!

Chittenden-Central is, geographically speaking, the smallest Senate district by a longshot. On a map it resembles Nepal after encontering an old-fashioned laundry mangle. It includes much of northern and central Burlington, the city of Winooski, a bit of Colchester, the city of Essex Junction, and part of the town of Essex. Politically speaking, it may be the most liberal Senate district in the state. The incumbents are Senate President Pro Tem Phil Baruth, listed on the ballot as a D/P, Democratic Sen. Martine Laroque Gulick, and P/D Sen. Tanya Vyhovsky.

So who’s running? Glad you asked.

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We’re About to Find Out, Yet Again, How Terrible the Legislature’s Ethics Regime Truly Is

Hey, look: Somebody filed an ethics complaint against two state senators!

We wouldn’t know this, of course, except that the complainant announced the action in a press release. You’d never hear anything about it from official sources, because the Senate’s ethics process is a black hole from which no light can ever escape. Likewise the House’s process, but that’s another story.

The complaint was filed by Geo Honigford of Friends of Vermont Public Education. The targets, familiar to devotees of this here blog, are Sens. Seth Bongartz and Scott Beck. Honigford points out that both men have strong affiliations with private schools receiving public tuition dollars, and both lobbied aggressively for the interests of those schools in recent negotiations over public education reform.

I suppose you could think of Senate President Pro Tem Phil Baruth as an unnamed co-conspirator, since it was Senate leadership that chose to install Bongartz and Beck on the House-Senate conference committee on education reform. Or maybe his right hand, Senate Majority Leader Kesha Ram Hinsdale, could be included as well. She must have had a role in choosing two pro-private school senators to the committee.

Oh wait, Ram Hinsdale is chair of the Senate Ethics Panel, which will consider Honigford’s complaint. Right, right, probably best to leave her name out of it.

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“This Broke the Democratic Caucuses”

First, the obligatory note about Famous Quotes. They’re all a lie, apparently.

This one is either an “Afghan Proverb” or it was said by Benjamin Hooks or John C. Maxwell or James M. Kouzas, take your choice. I’m just surprised it hasn’t been attributed to the Grand Champions of “I Didn’t Actually Say That”: Abraham Lincoln, Albert Einstein, and Yogi Berra.

Whoever said it, it applies here. The Democratic leadership of the House and Senate played a very dangerous game when they jammed through H.454, the “education reform” bill that’s all about squeezing the public education system and protecting the interests of Vermont’s big private schools. Yeah, they won. They got their grand bargain with Gov. Phil Scott. But at what cost?

It’s almost unheard of for a major bill to pass a legislative body with most of the majority lawmakers voting “No,” and that’s exactly what happened here. Virtually all the Republicans voted in lockstep with the governor, while most Democrats in the House and Senate spurned their leadership and rvoted against H.454.

There’s a reason such a maneuver is almost unheard of, and it’s expressed in my headline. “This broke the Democratic caucuses” is what one majority lawmaker told me, and added that House and Senate leaders “are isolated and insulated from their caucuses.”

Need I say that this is an unhealthy situation, and that it bodes ill for the 2026 session and the November elections? Need I add that leadership needs to put in some serious time mending fences? They should, but based on past performance I have little confidence that they will.

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News You Should View: A Great Picture, a New Journalism Org, and Way Too Many Sugar Gliders

Belated weekly roundup of the best reportage in Vermont, postponed due to the education reform vote and related stuff. Reminder: Although this post is coming out on June 18, it only covers material posted/published/promulgated no later than the 15th.

Glenn Russell strikes again. The best part of VTDigger’s Friday story about Gov. Phil Scott and the Legislature coming together on an education reform bill? Glenn Russell’s photograph. Not reproducing it for copyright reasons, so click on the link and enjoy.

Mmm, that’s the good stuff. In a single image, Russell perfectly captures the House-Senate conference committee dynamics that led us down this prickly path. The three Senate conferees are pictured. Two of them, Sens. Seth Bongartz and Scott Beck, strike identical poses, leaning forward, peering intently over their pushed-down glasses, holding copies of draft legislation, looking more than a bit skeptical of their House counterparts. The third Senator, Ann Cummings, leans away from the table with an expression that says, quite clearly, “I want nothing to do with these jamokes.”

In case you haven’t been reading me lately, Democrat Bongartz and Republican Beck share a common background and purpose. Both have substantial ties to the private schools that hoover up public education dollars, and both repeatedly centered those private institutions in what was supposed to be a discussion of how to improve the public schools. To capture all that in a single image? Chef’s kiss.

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Well, They Did the Thing

So the Legislature, in all its not-quote-infinite wisdom, has approved H.454, the sweeping “education reform” bill. In doing so, it pressed a gun firmly to its own neck. This bill threatens to backfire big-time if they don’t fix it next year, so in passing this bill they set themselves up for an even more contentious education debate — this time during an election year.

Yeah, no pressure.

As I’ve noted previously, the bill’s best feature is its raw unpalatability. To me, it’s virtually certain that H.454, in its current form, will never take effect. It’s political poison in so many ways that lawmakers will have no choice but to reopen this Costco-supersized can of worms next January.

Again, in an election year.

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The Natives Are Restless

Monday’s the big day, or so they tell us. The full House and Senate are scheduled to vote on the education reform Grand Bargain, which will never take effect in its current form even if it survives the big votes.

Still, major drama. The vote is not a sure thing by any means, despite the unified support of Gov. Phil Scott and Democratic and Republican legislative leadership. Many members of both parties realize the bill would negatively impact their local schools — districts in Democratic areas could see significant spending cuts, while rural Republican districts could see a wave of school closures and higher property taxes. The Democrats are also hearing it bigly from school officials and labor union constituencies.

Maybe legislative leadership can crack the whip firmly enough to scratch out a win, if only with the threat of a midsummer return to the Statehouse at the behest of Gov. Phil Scott. But as I wrote previously, leadership’s best argument is that they can all come back next year and overhaul the overhaul. In other words, hold your nose and vote for it, just so we can declare victory and get the hell out of here. Inspiring.

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Does Phil Baruth Survive This? (Updated With Additional Bullshit)

A couple of notes before we begin. First, the person most responsible for our education-reform brinkmanship is Gov. Phil Scott, who has insisted on creating a crisis atmosphere when what we really have is a situation that requires a carefully considered response. I don’t want this narrowly-conceived blogpost to divert attention from that fact.

Second, I like Phil Baruth, the Senate President Pro Tem. I really do.

However… I’ve been Observing Vermont Politics for 12-plus years, and I have never seen a blunder by a legislative leader as consequential as Baruth’s handling of education reform. We have yet to see how this issue will be resolved, but the question here is: Will this mark the end of his Senate leadership?

The thing that might save him, seriously, is the lack of alternatives in this most junior-ish of senior chambers. Well, that and Senate Democrats’ distaste for intra-caucus defenestrations. But it says here that while Baruth might remain Pro Tem for the rest of the biennium, I wonder if he’ll be leading the Senate beyond that.

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Senate Leadership Cooked the Books on Education Reform

You know what’s a really great indicator of success? When a legislative body takes on a vital issue, and comes up with a “solution” that everybody seems to hate.

Well, that’s exactly what we’ve got with the state Senate’s education reform plan, which was approved last week by the Senate Finance Committee. Better still: the people who hate it the most are in the Democratic majority. Seriously, the only Senators who have anything good to say about this thing are Republicans.

And their words constitute the very definition of “damning with faint praise.”

Take, for instance, Sen. Randy Brock: “everybody… is coming away somewhat or entirely disappointed,” but “doing nothing is even a worse option.” Senate Majority Leader Scott Beck favors the bill, but warns that it could bring substantial tax increases to economically disadvantaged communities. Great!

Democrats, meanwhile, could barely conceal their contempt. “This bill will be devastating to our education system,” said Sen. Ruth Hardy. “I’m extremely uncomfortable with all of this,” said Sen. Martine Laroque Gulick, about whom more later. Senate Finance Committee chair Sen. Anne Cummings, who held her nose and voted yes, “can’t remember ever feeling as bad about a vote as I do on this one,” and she’s been in office since 1997, so she’s taken a few votes. Sen. Thomas Chittenden, who voted for the bill in committee, said he might well vote “No” on the Senate floor.

To judge by the published comments, it’s quite possible that when this bill gets to the full Senate, it will get more votes among minority Republicans than majority Democrats. Which is a remarkable development for one of the most significant bills of the entire session.

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Here’s One Way to Identify the Most Conservative Members of the State Senate

You may have heard that many sectors of the Vermont economy have been thrown into turmoil by Donald Trump’s ridiculous tariff war with Canada. From tourism to energy to craft beer and spirits to maple products to construction materials (when we’re already in a housing crisis due in large part to high building costs), we have begun feeling the pain from Trump’s Quixotic crusade. (Meaning no disrespect to the Man of La Mancha.)

One small response to the situation has come in the form of a state Senate resolution, S.R.11, “supporting warm and cooperative relations on the part of both the United States and the State of Vermont with Canada and urging President Trump to remove all tariffs that he has imposed against Canadian imports and to refrain from subsequently imposing any new tariffs against Canadian imports.”

Seems like something we can all agree with, no? Even Republican senators can see the harm that threatens their constituents from a trade war with Canada. And indeed, the vast majority of Republicans signed on as co-sponsors, joining all the Democrats and Progressive/Democrat Tanya Vyhovsky. A total of 27 names are attached to S.R.11.

Checking my math real quick, that leaves a mere three senators who haven’t signed on.

The envelope, please…

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