Author Archives: John S. Walters

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About John S. Walters

Writer, editor, sometime radio personality, author of "Roads Less Traveled: Visionary New England Lives."

Adventures in Serial Journalism, Dirt Cheap Job Search Edition

This post is about three very different attempts to cover the same story. But before we pick over the bones, let’s address the meat of the matter. For whatever reason, the Scott administration is not only rushing its search for a new education secretary, it’s spent a shockingly small amount of money on the task.

Seven Days’ Alison Novak got the goods, revealing that the administration has spent a measly $495 on a search now scheduled to close, um, tomorrow. By comparison, she noted, school districts routinely invest 20 times that much on a basic search for a superintendent, and often spend far more.

The only flaw in Novak’s story was the headline, written in the form of a question: Is Vermont Doing Enough to Find the Right Leader for Its Education Agency? Remarkably timid header for a story that clearly identifies the answer as “Fuck, no!”

I mean, they posted the opening on professional job sites and that’s about it. Maybe they also taped a photocopied listing to the agency’s front door (complete with little “Contact Us” tabs at the bottom), but whatever, it’s simply pathetic.

Okay, there’s the substance. Now let’s take a somewhat speculative walk down the Memory Lane of journalism.

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Sending Inmates to an Out-of-State, For-Profit Prison Is a Choice, Not a Necessity

Last month, the Vermont Department of Corrections signed a two-year contract to continue sending inmates to a for-profit prison conveniently located in Mississippi (a mere 21-hour, 1,400-mile drive from Montpelier. Great for family visitation, no?

The news filled my head with numbers and questions. The biggest is revealed in the above chart, provided by the Corrections Department: Vermont’s inmate population has plunged by nearly half since 2009, from a high around 2,400 to 1,331 (population average since January 2019 per DOC).

So if the prison census has dropped so dramatically, why can’t we keep all our inmates right here in Vermont?

Well, the short answer is, we probably could. Especially if we enacted some basic criminal justice reforms. But the Scott administration doesn’t take kindly to such ideas, and our Democratic Legislature tends to be extremely skittish about them. So, contract extension with everyone’s favorite prison profiteer, CoreCivic. Yay?

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Shocker: The Scott Administration Is In No Hurry on Climate Action

There was a brief exchange during the September 25 meeting of the Vermont Climate Council that went unnoticed at the time. But it seemed a clear signal that the Scott administration isn’t all that concerned about meeting the emission reduction targets for the year 2025 as established in state law by the Global Warming Solutions Act.

“Established in state law” as in “legally mandated.” But hey, what’s the rush?

The upshot, since it’ll take me a while to get there: The administration is, at best, slow-waking the process even though time is running painfully short to achieve our 2025 targets. If you check your calendar, I think you’ll find that 2025 is coming our way right quick.

Of course, Gov. Phil Scott and Natural Resources Secretary Julie Moore have previously opined that the 2025 and 2030 targets are no big deal, so maybe this shouldn’t be a surprise. But still, we’re talking about an eyes-wide-open flouting of state law. And that’s kind of a big deal.

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Darcie Johnston, Now Advocating for Scammy Christian “Health Ministries”

Hey guys, remember Darcie Johnston? Former head of Vermonters for Health Care Freedom, the conservative advocacy group that fought tooth and nail against single-payer health care? Wannabe campaign consultant with a dismal track record? Former Trump administration functionary who had a lead role in one of its many fuckups during the early days of the Covid pandemic?

Well, it has come to my attention that Johnston is now Deputy Director of something called the Alliance of Health Care Sharing Ministries, which lobbies in D.C. and state capitols on behalf of an industry that profits off the gullibility of conservative Christians — a business model that’s never been known to fail.

Health care sharing ministries market themselves to Evangelical types as a cheaper option for health coverage — but when it comes to regulatory oversight, insist they are not insurers at all, just simple humble charities. The last thing they need is pesky state or federal regulators sticking their noses into the Lord’s work.

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“Lived Experience,” What a Concept

Two legislative committees got a metaphorical bucket of cold water dumped over their heads today by people who are trying, and largely failing, to deal with Vermont’s crisis of homelessness. And then a pair of just plain ordinary folks took the stage and tossed an equally metaphorical grenade into the room with their real-life experiences of homelessness and the frustrations of dealing with social service bureaucracy.

Guys like Bryan Plant, pictured above, are rarely featured in legislative hearings, and that’s a damn shame. He’s smart, articulate, and his input is crucial. The absence of voices like his makes for myopic policymaking, with no attention to how the system affects those on the receiving end.

Plant and Rebecca Duprey were the two witnesses labeled as “Lived Experience” on the docket for today’s joint hearing of House Human Services and Senate Health & Welfare. The two committees were examining the implementation of Act 81, the extension of the motel voucher program hastily negotiated at the end of June by legislative leadership and the Scott administration.

Plant and Duprey told stories of encountering barrier after barrier: “a mountain of paperwork,” much of it incomprehensible and repetitive, an unresponsive bureaucracy, poor to nonexistent coordination between government programs, constant turnover among case workers (Plant was assigned to 11 different “service coordinators” in three years, so you can imagine how coordinated his services were). It all added up to, in Duprey’s words, a system of “inexcusable cruelty” to people in the direst of circumstances. “You have no idea how damaging this is to people,” Plant told the committees.

The topper: Plant and Duprey are two of the rare success stories of Act 81. Unlike the vast majority of voucher clients, they have managed to find good housing. They struggled their way through a system that seems more designed to frustrate its clients than to help them regain their footing in life.

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I Really Don’t Think This Is News

Generally speaking, VTDigger is a reliable, vital source of news, a rare oasis in an ever-expanding desert of serious media. But this one? I can’t explain how it got assigned, written, edited, approved or published.

The story in question is about a new option in mental health care for those insured by BlueCross BlueShield of Vermont, and it reads like a press release from the Blues’ comms team. The only person quoted in the story is Tom Weigel, the Blues’ chief medical officer. No other viewpoints are presented. Most of the story is just a recitation of all the supposedly wonderful features of this development.

The “news,” such as it is, concerns a deal between the Blues and Valera Health, a Brooklyn-based provider of mental health telemedicine services. The agreement will increase access to mental health services by giving patients a remote option, which is nice since Vermont doesn’t have enough mental health professionals.

But c’mon, the Blues are the fifth health insurer in Vermont to partner with Valera Health, following in the footsteps of Cigna, MVP Health, Humana, and UnitedHealthcare. This isn’t some dramatic innovation. In fact, the Blues already offer mental health care through a Boston-based telehealth firm, so this is just another iteration of an existing effort.

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Pearl-Clutching in the Publisher’s Office

It’s been a long, long time since Seven Days began its life as a scrappy alt-weekly in the grand tradition of the Village Voice and the Boston Phoenix. Credit for sheer survival unlike those spiritual ancestors, but it’s safe to say that 7D is now the voice of comfortable Burlington, the Good Folk who habituate Leunig’s and the Flynn Center and love to amble undisturbed on Church Street and in Battery Park.

That’s my conclusion from co-founder Paula Routly’s latest Publisher’s Note, “Burlington Blues.” She’s far from alone in expressing dismay about crime, drugs and homelessness in the Queen City. But what’s missing in her column is the tiniest shred of compassion or empathy. She seems to be describing a plague or an infestation of vermin with no sense at all that there are living, struggling human beings on the other side of this equation.

Routly seems to expect that her “beautiful burg” will forever be a playground for the well-to-do, a clean, safe, secure landscape that can be enjoyed without a second thought. She doesn’t roll out the reactionary language of “lock ’em up” or call for the BPD to let loose a SWAT team, but she makes it clear that she just wishes The Unwashed would just go away, doesn’t matter where, somewhere, anywhere, and leave this “beautiful burg” to those who rightfully deserve it.

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Meh-ro

Miro Weinberger announced today that he will not seek a fifth (three-year) term as mayor of Burlington. He has occupied the position for 12 years, the longest continuous tenure of any Queen City mayor, but the better part of his legacy may amount to nothing much more than occupancy. His record is mixed at best, and he wouldn’t have made it this far if not for the endemic divisiveness of Burlington’s left.

In each of his last two campaigns, he got less than 50% of the vote. Last time, in 2021, he polled just under 43% and won the race by a mere 129 votes. In both 2018 and 2021, multiple candidates running to his left split the majority of the vote, allowing Weinberger to win with mere pluralities.

Whatever you think of the achievements of his early years, it’s inarguable that the Progressives made a full comeback on his watch. The Progs held a majority on City Council for several years. It made his job more difficult to be sure, but he failed to build the city Democratic Party or enhance its allure to the voters.

Weinberger walked into his first victory, thanks to the troubled Bob Kiss years leaving a stain on the Progressive brand. At the time he was a fresh young face, widely considered a top Democratic contender for future statewide office. That never happened, and while he’s young enough to have a second political act, he’ll have to work his way back into the arena.

Well, that’s the politics. What about policy? On balance, his record is kind of lukewarm.

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In Which Our Betters Finally Realize We Have a Housing Crisis On Our Hands

Note: This is a sequel to my previous post, reflecting the newly-released September figures for the motel voucher program and the official reaction to it all.

Some people could have predicted this as far back as January if not farther. But the Scott administration and the Legislature insisted throughout the winter and spring that everything would be just fine if we ended the emergency housing motel voucher program on schedule at the end of June.

They were wrong, of course, and they had to cobble together a last-minute extension that minimized the scale of the own-goal disaster. Those who were dumped from the program before June 30 were excluded, and new restrictions were imposed on the remaining clientele that seemed designed to encourage slash bully slash force them to leave the motels as quickly as possible.

Well, during today’s meeting of the Joint Legislative Fiscal Committee, it became clear that administration and Legislature alike now know they have a real, sizeable, thorny problem on their hands, and that many a vulnerable Vermonter has paid a stiff price for their earlier choices. Shocker, I know.

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The Effort to End the Emergency Housing Program Only Shows How Badly It’s Needed

The first official Scott administration report on the motel voucher program showed the urgency of our affordable housing shortage. Out of 1,250* households in the program on June 30, 174 had left the program by late July — but only 42 did so because they had managed to find housing. Most of the rest, 113 in all, simply disappeared from the program, destination unknown. Ditto the 31 households evicted for “misconduct” as defined by motel operators.

*In the second report, described below, that June 30 number somehow rose to 1,266 two months after the fact. Given the Scott administration’s track record, I have to assume this is another case of lax record keeping. Anyway, from now on I’ll use 1,266 as the June 30 number.

Well, the report for August* reveals more of the same. Total enrollment was down to 929 households as of 8/28. Of the departed, 110 disappeared, 20 were kicked out for misconduct, and 26 actually found housing.

*The administration “published” this report on September 6, but it went unnoticed at the time. I found it 20 days later when looking for information on the 9/27 meeting of the Joint Legislative Fiscal Committee.

To sum up: As of June 30, there were 1,266 households in need of emergency motel rooms. Reminder: until the very last moment, the administration and Legislature had planned to cut off the voucher program and immediately unhouse all those people. Instead, realizing they were about to cause a humanitarian crisis, they cobbled together a compromise that extended the program under new rules and restrictions.

Well, of those 1,266 households, only 68 have found housing so far.

Sixty-eight. That’s a success rate of 5.4%. Which shows you just how inadequate our supply of affordable housing is. And just how vital the voucher program remains.

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